If you want to make a profit from the drug trade, become a police officer.
This drug war and the laws that prohibit the private consumption of certain drugs are un-Constitutional
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Number of unconstitutional arrest in 2008 by drug type |
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July 26, 2011
President and CEO Benjamin Todd Jealous:
Major step towards equity,
justice, effective law enforcement
(Los Angeles, CA) – Today the NAACP passed
a historic resolution
calling for an end to the war on drugs.
The resolution was voted on by a majority
of delegates at the 102nd NAACP Annual
Convention in Los Angeles, CA.
The overall message of the resolution is
captured by its title: A Call to End the
War on Drugs, Allocate Funding to
Investigate Substance Abuse Treatment,
Education, and Opportunities in
Communities of Color for A Better Tomorrow.
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in 2008 the DEA program for eradicating
domestic marijuana resulted in the destruction of 8.0 million plants in 20,120
plots, 8,296 arrests, 5,305 weapons seized, and You made reported assets seized, valued at $66
million plus for them.
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According to a 2011 article in AlterNet:
Antonio Maria Costa, former executive director of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime said in 2008, "there's evidence to suggest that proceeds from drugs and crimes were the only liquid investment capital for banks in trouble of collapsing [during the financial crisis]."If billions of dollars in drug money rescued banks and other financial institutions from closing down then it's reasonable to argue that the economy itself is addicted to drugs.
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ACCORDING TO THE CONSTITUTIONAMENDMENT 18 AND 21, AS LONG AS DRUGSOR IN LIQUID FORM THEY ARE LEGAL |
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| Stop slavin' for the man |
As professor Dale Scott noted in his book, American War Machine: Deep Politics; the CIA Global Drug Connection: "A US Senate ... banking committee reportedly estimated that between $500 billion and $1 trillion dollars are laundered each year through banks worldwide, with approximately half of that amount funneled through US Banks."
In the '70s and '80s, Miami became known as a city that was experiencing an economic renaissance based on the flow of illegal drug money (mostly from Colombia at the time) into the city. But the cash didn't just get laundered through banks; it was used to buy legitimate businesses; condos; houses; investments; and more than likely a lot of corrupt law enforcement, custom and government officials.
Estimated $50 Billion in Illegal Drug Sales From Mexico Can Only Occur With US Corruption
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| If I Hada |
Coffee, for example, regarded as a Muslim drink, was prohibited to Orthodox Christians in its native Ethiopia until as late as 1889; it is now considered a national drink of Ethiopia for people of all faiths.
The hypothesis that the prohibition of drugs generates violence is consistent with research done over long time-series and cross-country facts.[1] US prohibition of opium
The first law outright prohibiting the use of a specific drug in the United
States was a San Francisco ordinance which banned the smoking of opium in opium
dens in 1875. The reason cited was "many women and young girls, as well as
young men of respectable family, were being induced to visit the Chinese
opium-smoking dens, where they were ruined morally and otherwise."
This was followed by other laws throughout the country, and federal laws which barred Chinese people from trafficking in opium. Though the laws affected the use and distribution of opium by Chinese immigrants, no action was taken against the producers of such products as laudanum, a tincture of opium and alcohol, commonly taken as a panacea by white Americans.
The distinction between its use by white Americans and Chinese immigrants was thus based on the form in which it was ingested: Chinese immigrants tended to smoke it, while it was often included in various kinds of generally liquid medicines often (but not exclusively) used by people of European descent. The laws targeted opium smoking, but not other methods of ingestion.[9] As a result of this discrepancy, some modern commentators believe that these laws were possibly racist in origin and intent.
State expenditures in 2010, on corrections was $48.5 billion. Between fiscal years 1982 and 2010, spending on corrections represented between 1.9% and 3.3% of total expenditures by state governments. Since 2003, corrections expenditures, as a share of total spending, fluctuated between 2.5% and 2.9% of state expenditures (figure 1). the Harrison Act, passed in 1914, which required sellers of opiates and cocaine to get a license. While originally intended to require paper trails of drug transactions[citation needed] between doctors, drug stores, and patients, it soon became a prohibitive law. The law's wording was quite vague; it was originally intended as a revenue tracking mechanism that required prescriptions for opiates.
This was followed by other laws throughout the country, and federal laws which barred Chinese people from trafficking in opium. Though the laws affected the use and distribution of opium by Chinese immigrants, no action was taken against the producers of such products as laudanum, a tincture of opium and alcohol, commonly taken as a panacea by white Americans.
The distinction between its use by white Americans and Chinese immigrants was thus based on the form in which it was ingested: Chinese immigrants tended to smoke it, while it was often included in various kinds of generally liquid medicines often (but not exclusively) used by people of European descent. The laws targeted opium smoking, but not other methods of ingestion.[9] As a result of this discrepancy, some modern commentators believe that these laws were possibly racist in origin and intent.
State expenditures in 2010, on corrections was $48.5 billion. Between fiscal years 1982 and 2010, spending on corrections represented between 1.9% and 3.3% of total expenditures by state governments. Since 2003, corrections expenditures, as a share of total spending, fluctuated between 2.5% and 2.9% of state expenditures (figure 1). the Harrison Act, passed in 1914, which required sellers of opiates and cocaine to get a license. While originally intended to require paper trails of drug transactions[citation needed] between doctors, drug stores, and patients, it soon became a prohibitive law. The law's wording was quite vague; it was originally intended as a revenue tracking mechanism that required prescriptions for opiates.
It became legal precedent that any
prescription for a narcotic given by a physician or pharmacist – even in the
course of medical treatment for addiction – constituted conspiracy to violate
the Harrison Act.
In 1919, the Supreme Court ruled in Doremus that
the Harrison Act was constitutional and in Webb that physicians could not
prescribe narcotics solely for maintenance.[10] In the decision Jin Fuey Moy
v. United States, 254 U.S. 189 (1920) the court upheld that it was a violation
of the Harrison Act
even if a physician provided prescription of a narcotic for
an addict, and thus subject to criminal prosecution. The initial proponents of
the Harrison Act did not support blanket prohibition of the drugs involved.[11]
This is also true of the later Marijuana Tax Act in 1937.
Soon, however,
licensing bodies did not issue licenses, effectively banning the drugs.
The American judicial system did not
initially accept drug prohibition. Prosecutors argued that possessing drugs was
a tax violation, as no legal licenses to sell drugs were in existence; hence, a
person possessing drugs must have purchased them from an unlicensed source.
After some wrangling, this was accepted as federal jurisdiction under the
interstate commerce clause of the U.S. Constitution.
The Commerce Clause Guns
and the second amendment
describes an enumerated power listed in the United States Constitution (Article I, Section 8, Clause 3). The clause states that the United States Congress shall have power "To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes." Courts and commentators have tended to discuss each of these three areas of commerce as a separate power granted to Congress." [1] It is not uncommon to see the individual components of the Commerce Clause referred to under specific terms: The Foreign Commerce Clause, the Interstate Commerce Clause,[2] and the Indian Commerce Clause.
Dispute exists within the courts as to the range of powers granted to Congress by the Commerce Clause. As noted below, the clause is often paired with the Necessary and Proper Clause, the combination used to take a broad, expansive perspective of these powers. However, the effect of the Commerce Clause has varied significantly depending on the Supreme Court's interpretation. During theMarshall Court era, Commerce Clause interpretation empowered Congress to gain jurisdiction over numerous aspects of intrastate and interstate commerce as well as non-commerce. During the post-1937 era, the use of the Commerce Clause by Congress to authorize federal control of economic matters became effectively unlimited. Since the latter half of the Rehnquist Court era, Congressional use of the Commerce Clause has become slightly restricted again, being limited only to matters of trade (whether interstate or not) and production (whether commercial or not).
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